Jesuit Survival and Restoration: A Global History, 1773-1900

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Free download. Book file PDF easily for everyone and every device. You can download and read online Jesuit Survival and Restoration: A Global History, 1773-1900 file PDF Book only if you are registered here. And also you can download or read online all Book PDF file that related with Jesuit Survival and Restoration: A Global History, 1773-1900 book. Happy reading Jesuit Survival and Restoration: A Global History, 1773-1900 Bookeveryone. Download file Free Book PDF Jesuit Survival and Restoration: A Global History, 1773-1900 at Complete PDF Library. This Book have some digital formats such us :paperbook, ebook, kindle, epub, fb2 and another formats. Here is The CompletePDF Book Library. It's free to register here to get Book file PDF Jesuit Survival and Restoration: A Global History, 1773-1900 Pocket Guide. Interested in more? Sign up for our newsletter. Maryks and Jonathan Wright. Jesuit Survival and Restoration offers a global account of the Society of Jesus's history during the post-Suppression and post-Restoration eras. The Tragic Couple is the first book length examination of the historical encounters between Jesuits and Jews from the modern period through the twentieth century where a special focus is placed on events leading to the Holocaust. Staying current on a variety of subjects is becoming increasingly difficult for scholars, even within their own disciplines.

This is even more true for students. The Jesuit Studies book series targets those areas of scholarship on Jesuit history in its broader context that have been lamentably neglected but it will also invite contributions of important but hard to find monographs in other languages, which shall be encouraged to be translated. Provincia Flandro-Belgica Gall. Provincia Gallo-Belgica Germ. Assistentia Germaniae Germ. Provincia Germaniae Superioris Goan. Provincia Goana et Malabarica Gall. Assistentia Galliae Hisp. Assistentia Hispaniae Hist. Historia Societatis Inst. Institutum Ital.

Assistentia Italiae Jap. Provincia Lithuaniae Lugd. Provincia Lugdunensis Lus. Assistentia et Provincia Lusitaniae Mediol. Provincia Mediolanensis Mex. Provincia Mexicana Miscell. Miscellanea Neap. Provincia Neapolitana Opp. Opera Nostrorum Paraq. Provincia Paraquariae Per. Provincia Peruana Philipp. Provincia Philippinarum Pol. Provincia Poloniae Polem. Polemica Quit. Provincia Novi Regni et Quitensis Rhen. Provincia Rheni et Rheni Inferioris Rhen. Provincia Rheni et Rheni Superioris Rom.

Provincia Sardiniae Sic. Provincia Sicula Tolet. Provincia Toletana Tolos. Provincia Tolosana Venet. Provincia Veneta Vitae Vitae. For the corresponding number of the series, see the list of the mhsi volumes in the appendix. I mhsi 1 Chron. II mhsi 3 Chron. III mhsi 5 Chron. IV mhsi 7 Chron. V mhsi 9 Chron. VI mhsi 11 Const. I mhsi 63 Const. II mhsi 64 Const. III mhsi 65 Direct. I mhsi 22 Epp. II mhsi 26 Epp. III mhsi 28 Epp. IV mhsi 29 Epp. V mhsi 31 Epp. VI mhsi 33 Epp. VIII mhsi 36 Epp.

IX mhsi 37 Epp. X mhsi 39 Epp. XI mhsi 40 Epp. XII mhsi 42 Epp. I mhsi 12 Epp. II mhsi 14 Epp. III mhsi 17 Epp. IV mhsi 18 Epp. V mhsi 20 Exerc. I mhsi 66 Font. II mhsi 73 Font. III mhsi 85 Font. I mhsi 4 Litt. II mhsi 6 Litt. III mhsi 8 Litt. IV mhsi 10 Litt. V mhsi 59 Litt. VI mhsi 61 Litt. VII mhsi 62 Mon. I mhsi 92 Mon.

II mhsi Mon. III mhsi Mon. IV mhsi Mon. V mhsi Mon. VII mhsi Mon. Xavier I mhsi 16 Mon. I mhsi 52 Pol. II mhsi 54 Reg. Ignatio I mhsi 25 Scripta de s. Maryks and Jonathan Wright. Long before the chaotic events of the mid-eighteenth century, the Society of Jesus had grown accustomed to local banishments and the cycles of exile and return. The process that culminated in the suppression was of a different magnitude, however.

The Jesuits corporate existence had now, at least on paper, been blotted out by papal command. There was no guarantee and, for some time, little realistic hope that the Roman Catholic Churchs most prodi- gious religious order would ever be fully restored. The situation was bleak, but all was not lost. For one thing, the Society of Jesus never entirely disappeared. In many places, the removal of the Jesuits was abrupt, but in others there was a slow and lingering death.

This was the case, for example, in China, the subject of Ronnie Hsias chapter, and in Canada, discussed by John Meehan and Jacques Monet, where the last Jesuit from the pre-suppression era, Jean-Joseph Casot, breathed his last in More impor- tantly, genuine, lasting, and vibrant survival was achieved in the Russian Empire discussed in the chapters by Marek Inglot, Irena Kadulska, and Richard Butterwick : the Bourbon rulers of Europe may have attempted to expunge the Society of Jesus, but their aspirations counted for little in the empire of Catherine the Great and her immediate successors.

Crucially, events in Russia were a source of much needed solace and direct influence for Jesuits, or ex-Jesuits, in other parts of the world. Daniel Schlafly looks at this phenom- enon in the fledgling United States through a study of Giovanni Grassi: he reached American soil in , became the superior of the Maryland mission and president of Georgetown College, and his Russian formation was always a wellspring of guidance and inspiration.

Even when legal corporate existence was not possible, former members of the Society worked hard to sustain the Jesuit spirit and cling to some measure of communal identity. Thomas McCoog takes us to England, where a type of union was possible, and Emanuele Colombo charts the career of Luigi Mozzi de Capitani, whose books, travels, and correspondence did a great deal to cheer ex-Jesuit spirits during the suppression years.

One of the most impres- sive achievements of the suppressed Society was its ability to maintain solidar- ity in even the most straitened circumstances. A great deal of work remains to be done on Jesuit exile communities, but Niccol Guasti and Inmaculada Fernndez Arrillaga set a useful example: the Spanish branch of the Society had been utterly broken and sent into exile.

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However, in their new Italian. The key point is that the experience of suppression was multifaceted. Many Jesuits faced financial difficulties and mental anguish, but others carved out successful new careers or continued, relatively untroubled, with their existing intellectual endeavors. In this latter category, we might include the Hungarian Jesuit astronomers discussed by Paul Shore, or the Polish architect Sebastian Sierakowski studied by Carolyn Guile. The devastation of suppression should not be underestimated: one need only read Jeffrey Chipps Smiths chapter on the fate of German Jesuit churches, colleges, libraries, and artistic possessions to gain a sense of this.

Nor should we imagine that there was always concord within ex-Jesuit ranks: debates about survival strategies raged. But survival there was and also, as the years rolled by, a growing belief that restoration might be fea- sible. Tellingly, both processes were as closely related to political happen- stance as the orders suppression had been.

Events in the Russian Empire are a case in point. The survival of the Jesuits in Belarus resulted from the first partition of the commonwealth of Poland-Lithuania, which took place just a few months before the papal brief of suppression was issued. The promulga- tion of the document was prohibited in Russian territories, including the eastern part of Poland-Lithuania.

The survival of the Jesuits in White Russia presented serious canonical problems, yet it was surreptitiously supported by Pope Pius VI r. Unsurprisingly, the same forces at the Bourbon courts which had campaigned for the Jesuit suppression strongly opposed Pius VIs backing of the Society. They relented, however, when Catherine the Great r. There was progress elsewhere. Louis XVI went under the guillotine in and France was consequently declared a republic.

Ferdinand of Parma , perhaps alarmed by the fate of the French monarch, began a campaign for the restoration of the Society in and invited three Jesuits from Poock to form a novitiate. Contrariwise, Charles IV of Spain, who began his reign in , remained immune to pressure from Ferdinand and Pius VI, especially after the latters authority was stymied by his imprisonment by French troops in an event followed by the popes death a few months later.

Introduction 3. His successor Pius VII r. Just one year after his election, he issued the brief Catholicae fidei which officially sanctioned the corporate exis- tence of the Jesuits in Russia, now stretching beyond the college at Poock. Because of the second and third partitions of the Polish-Lithuanian Com monwealth, more former Jesuit institutions came under the control of the Russian monarchy, including the famous University of Vilnius, and the Jesuits of Poock expanded their activities to Odessa, the Caucasus, Siberia, and Saratov on the Volga. The successor to Catherine, Paul I r.

Unfortunately for the Jesuits, the tsar was murdered two weeks after Catholicae fidei was pro- mulgated, but his successor, Alexander I r. In , he raised the college of Poock to the rank of a university. Alexander subsequently changed his mind about the Jesuit presence in his realms, expelling the Society from Moscow and St. Petersburg in and from the entire empire in but, well ahead of that, momentous advances had been made elsewhere. The papal brief of had responded positively to the petitions of affiliation with the Russian Society that had been submitted by groups of former Jesuits in Switzerland, Belgium, the Netherlands, Italy, Britain, and the United States.

Novitiates in Georgetown, Hodder near Stonyhurst , and Orvieto, among others, opened in the first decade of the nineteenth cen- tury. Meanwhile, Ferdinand of Naples, driven by the same fears as Ferdinand of Parma, dramatically changed his position on the Jesuits. His earlier policy of expulsion was replaced with an invitation to the Society, now sanctioned by the papal letter Per alias , to take possession of their old church in the city in However, the occupation of the kingdom of Naples by the troops of Joseph Bonaparte in the following year forced the renascent group of Jesuits to move to Rome where, under the leadership of Jos Pignatelli they formed a new Italian province.

The presence of Napoleonic troops in the Italian peninsula caused other troubles. Pius VII, who had traveled to France for Napoleons coronation eight years earlier, was captured by French troops in and sent into exile at Fontainebleau. This turned out to be only a minor setback in the cause of Jesuit restoration. This was a moment of long-awaited celebration, but many challenges con- fronted the restored Society of Jesus. The political, social, and intellectual cli- mate had changed dramatically since the orders suppression in and it would not always be easy for nineteenth-century Jesuits to find their place in this new landscape.

There were basic organizational and logistical difficulties, too. Stalled missions had to be restarted a process that sometimes took decades , a new generation of Jesuits had to be recruited and trained, and tra- ditional fields of endeavor not least education had to be re-established, sometimes in the face of considerable resistance. Into the bargain, the antipa- thy that had led to the suppression of the Jesuits showed few signs of disap- pearing. As always, political trends and events would play a crucial role in defining this latest chapter in Jesuit history and it is to that context that we now turn.

The universal restoration of the Jesuits coincided with the resurgence of Europes pre-revolutionary political order. This process was initiated in the aftermath of the Napoleonic Wars by the Congress of Vienna under the leadership of the foreign minister of the Austrian Empire, Klemens von Metternich, who had been born in the year of Jesuit suppression, Europe and the Americas had experienced events that had changed the political, eco- nomic, and social order of the world forever: the American Revolution of , the French Revolution of , the revolutions in Latin America in the early s, and the first stirrings of the Industrial Revolution.

The radical legacies of this era and how they were either embraced or denounced, played havoc with the politics of the nineteenth century and the Jesuits were routinely swept up by ever-shifting tides. Spain provides one of the more dramatic examples. Ferdinand VII had gladly welcomed the Society back to his kingdom and empire in , but by , under pressure from Major Rafael Riego, he was forced to suppress all religious orders.

The Jesuits were back by following Riegos overthrow and execution, but suppressed once more in , with fourteen members of the order having been killed during the previous year. And so the cycle continued: return from exile in , exile in , and restoration in Across the border in France, the situation was only slightly less chaotic. Modest success under Charles X r. Life under Louis Philippe r. The Second Empire was a period of relative calm and significant Jesuit advance, not least in the educational sphere, but then came the Paris Commune of during which, once again, several French Jesuits lost their lives.

In his essay on the historian Charles Laumier, Frdric Conrod offers some intriguing reflections on the earlier part of this period. The remainder of the century was no less turbulent and similar tales of repeated progress and setback were replicated elsewhere. In some places the Society suffered decisive blows: it was expelled from Switzerland in and not granted official permission to return until The Society also had to contend with the forces of nationalism.

Often inspired by Romantic ideas, several ethnic groups in Europe began to call for national unity and autonomy. The independence of Greece from the Ottoman Empire and of Belgium from the Dutch are obvious examples. This, too, had a telling impact on Jesuit fortunes.

One European power that was constantly preoccupied with emerging nationalism was the leader of the post-Napoleonic orderthe Austrian Empire: a mosaic of ethnic groups with different cultural, linguistic, and religious roots. Among many threats to Viennese political lead- ership within the German Confederation formed in , was the second larg- est German-speaking landPrussia. Otto von Bismarck engineered the process of German unification by excluding multi-ethnic Austria and pro- claiming the birth of the Second Reich at Versailles in In his vision of a united Germany, Bismarck, unlike the emperors of Austria, attempted to elimi- nate the influence of Catholicism as part of his Kulturkampf and, as one result, the Society of Jesus was suppressed just a year after the German Empire was created.

Nationalism also drove the imperial expansion of European industrialized countries, notably Britain, Belgium, France, and Germany, followed by nations in other parts of the world, including the United States and Japan. Industrialization caused shifts in the distribution of power, not only in Europe but also across the world: the mercantile empires of Portugal, Spain, and the Dutch Republic began to fade during the nineteenth century, whereas coun- tries that embraced industrial capitalism began to control and exploit vast new territories, particularly in Asia and Africa.

The establishment of the British Raj in the aftermath of the Indian rebellion of , the expansion of British con- trol over Chinese port-cities in the wake of the Taiping rebellion , and the French occupation of Algeria and Indochina are significant examples of how the balance of power in the world was dramatically changing. This had significant consequences for Christian missionaries, including the Jesuits, in these parts of the world. These disparate but interlocking political trends had a profound impact on the global stage. Latin America provides a key example, especially in the con- text of Jesuit history.

Simn Bolvar , educated in France and inspired by Enlightenment ideas and the revolutions of and , led suc- cessful wars of independence in several Latin American countries. This was merely the beginning of a long process, involving a staggering number of regime changes and shifts between conservative and liberal governance. The Jesuits were routinely caught up in the turmoil. The Society, for instance, was fully restored in Mexico by but, in , a liberal-dominated constitutional congress once more suppressed the Jesuits.

They returned under Emperor Maximilian r. During the successive periods of rule of Porfirio Daz begin- ning in Jesuits were able to minister freely, although anticlerical laws remained on the statute book. The revolution and subsequent consti- tution spelled disaster for the Jesuits of Mexico. Such chaos reigned across Latin America, as demonstrated by a partial list of nineteenth-century Jesuit expulsions. The Society was forced to leave Argentina in , were expelled from Uruguay in , from Colombia in and , from Ecuador in , from Guatemala in and , and from Peru in A number of chapters in the volume explore this whirligig.

Perla Chinchilla Pawling takes us to Mexico, which saw no less than nine govern- ments of varying political complexions between and , Ignacio Telesca explains why the Jesuits were able to definitively return to Paraguay only in , and Jean Luc Enyegue looks at the short-lived Jesuit mission on the island of Fernando Po. Additionally, Andrs Prieto reminds us there was a measure of irony in how the Jesuits were treated by the self-styled progressive regimes of nineteenth-century Latin America: after all, certain eighteenth-century Latin American Jesuits had been architects of the proto-nationalist cause.

How, then, was the restored Society of Jesus to respond to this turbulent and greatly altered landscape? There was no doubting the urgency of the question. After all, by mid-century, the revolutionary impulse had reached the very cen- ter of the Catholic Church. In , the citizenry of Rome drove Pius IX r.


Introduction 7. The Syllabus of Errors, published just three years later, and the proclamation of papal infallibility at the First Vatican Council can sensibly be construed as loud and desperate cries against modern understandings of hierarchy and authority that had originated, at least in part, with the Enlightenment and the French Revolution. Long before this, the process set in motion at the Congress of Vienna had taken steps to defend hereditary monarchy against republicanism, tradition against revolution, and established religion against Enlightenment nostrums.

As soon as possible, three of the powers that had vanquished Napoleon Russia, Prussia, and Austria forged a holy alliance with the pope to uphold the new conservative system, reject the revolutionary spirit, and ensure that Christianity would endure. Religion was to be the foundation of society and a buffer against the perils of modernity. In this context, the historical timing of the Jesuit restoration might suggest it was part of a broader plan to restore both the political structures and philo- sophical assumptions of the pre-revolutionary ancien rgime.

The words of the papal bull of restoration certainly give this impression. Amidst these dangers of the Christian republic [] we should deem ourselves guilty of a great crime towards God if [] we neglected the aids with which the special providence of God has put at our disposal. The bark of Peter was tossed and assaulted so there was good sense in turning to the Jesuits, those rigorous and experienced rowers who volunteer their services. Throughout the nineteenth century, the Society of Jesus was often perceived as a conservative and ultramontane obstacle by a number of new political regimes that, as we have seen, persecuted the order and sometimes threat enedits existence.

Leading Jesuits played key roles in supporting conservative regimes, asserting papal authority, and championing the spread of specific devotions notably the Sacred Heart and doctrinal positions notably papal infallibility. If one were in a position to take a straw poll of nineteenth-cen- tury Jesuits, a solid majority would be in what might be termed, with a broad brush stroke, the conservative camp.

There is room for nuance, however. Historians often make generalizations about the Society of Jesus. Just as it is erroneous to suggest that every early- modern Jesuit was a probabilist in the realm of moral theology, or that every Jesuit missionary was an advocate of accommodation, so it is wrong to assume that every nineteenth-century member of the Society was a bred-in-the-bone supporter of throne and altar or a sworn opponent of new theological and philosophical trends.

There were, as there always had been, various Jesuit ways of proceeding. The only secure conclusion is that Jesuits struggled to adapt to the nine- teenth century and nowhere was this more apparent that in the basic task of establishing a coherent Jesuit identity. Sometimes there was excellent sense in rejecting new trends and developments but, in a place like the United States, ideas that, theoretically, ought to have been anathema the separation of church and state and religious freedom sometimes served the Society of Jesus very well.

Catherine ODonnells chapter on John Carroll tells us a great deal about the early stages of this fascinating story. Indeed, the United States would prove to be one of the most dynamic arenas of Jesuit activity during the post- restoration period. Josephs in Philadelphia, and St. Louis University. There were also epic mis- sionary adventures, perhaps best encapsulated by the travels of the Belgian Jesuit Peter de Smet, and America would serve as a refuge for Jesuits from other parts of the world where the Societys fortunes were troubled: the Italian Jesuits who arrived from Italy after the Roman turmoil of , recently studied with great skill by Gerald McKevitt, are a prime example.

It was not always plain sailing, of course. Jesuits suffered greatly because of anti-Catholic senti- ment in the young republic one need only bring to mind the tribulations of John Bapst but, on balance, the Society did well in the political climate pro- vided by Americas post-independence leaders. Not, of course, that those lead- ers had always been great admirers of the Jesuits men like Thomas Jefferson held the order in contempt. In his chapter, Thomas Worcester reflects on this and asks whether the term restoration is adequate. Were the old foundational documents still sufficient?

How was the Society to reflect on its past a theme also developed in Robert Danieluks analysis of post-restoration Jesuit historical writing? Nineteenth- century Jesuits struggled with these and other dilemmas and this goes some way towards explaining the diversity and internal dissensions of the restored Society.

At the time of writing it seems likely that the highlight will be the conference organised at Loyola University, Chicago. Introduction 9. As always, of course, what happened on the ground, in the revived schools and mission fields, counted for at least as much as abstract cogitations in the study. Many of the chapters in this volume look at the revival of the missionary enterprise and, taken together, they encapsulate the diversity of the Jesuits nineteenth-century experience: the relationship between the old and the new Society.

Given this fecund historical terrain, it is a pity that the post-restoration Society of Jesus has tended to receive notably less scholarly attention than its pre- suppression forebear. Perhaps the Societys glory days were over, but its members continued to play a significant role in education, mission, the arts, philosophy, and scientific enquiry.

They were also caught up in, and helped to define, political developments around the world. They were cast as villains by some and heroes by others. The age-old conundrums remained entrenched. How was the Society of Jesus to be conceptualized? What was its role in the Roman Catholic Church and the wider culture? Above all, how were the Jesuits to adapt to the brave, or not so brave new world?

There is no more fascinating period in the history of the Society of Jesus. Part 1 The Historical Context. Many Catholic religious orders and congregations have flourished for a time and then disappeared, have died out, or were formally suppressed by a bishop or pope.

Other orders and congregations have been reformed at one time or another in their history, sometimes resulting in a split between reformed and un-reformed divisions. The Franciscans are an obvious example, with Conventuals, Observants, and Capuchins; or the Cistercians, a reformed ver- sion of the Benedictines, and later the Cistercians of the Strict Observance Trappists.

Yet the Society of Jesus has never been reformed in this sense of the word, and despite no shortage of internal tensions, it has never split into two or three orders. The question this essay explores concerns the adequacy or inade- quacy of the term restoration for a description of the post Society of Jesus. This is a huge topic, and my approach is thus necessarily selective. Though I shall give some attention to several parts of the world, my main focus is France, not merely as a possible case study among others, though it is such, but also because of its major role in Jesuit history from the origins of the Jesuits at the University of Paris, to Jesuit battles against Gallicans and Jansenists, to the Relations published by Jesuit missionaries in Canada, to French Jesuit sci- entists in China, from hot and cold relationships with the French monarchy, to the nearly relentless opposition from Frances Third Republic, to the acclaimed work of Jesuit scholars such as Pierre Teilhard de Chardin and Henri de Lubac I shall not ignore the fact that the Jesuits were international from the beginning: Ignatius was not a Frenchman, but a foreign student in Paris, as were all of the first Jesuits.

One cannot do full justice to the history of the Jesuits without giving attention to the global reach and multina- tional, multicultural character of the Society, from its origins to today, even if some countries play a much larger role than others in Jesuit history. Restoration is a term used by political historians to describe the period in Europe, particularly France.

With Napoleons defeat at the hands of the Quadruple Alliance of Britain, Russia, Austria, and Prussia, the Bourbons were restored to the French throne, and the Congress of Vienna met to redraw the map of Europe and largely restored pre borders. Rome and within a few months he issued a decree restoring, or re-establishing the Society of Jesus throughout the world. But even if the period of their reigns is commonly referred to as one of restoration, or as the Restoration, it was not the case that the Bourbons could restore everything to the way it was before And in , another revolution toppled the Bourbons in favor of the house of Orlans and a more bourgeois style of monarchy.

The obstacles standing in the way of this seem to be many. The world had changed, and whether Catholics liked it or not, the Church had as well. Indeed, Pope Pius VII, in his long and eventful reign from to , was no mere traditionalist, hell-bent, as it were, on turning the clock back wherever possible. For example, a few years before his election as pope, the future Pius VII had argued that republican forms of secular government, such as that created by the French Revolution, could be compatible with Christianity. As pope, he proved to be adaptable in his views on Latin American independence from the Spanish and Portuguese monarchies.

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I had the feeling that the conference, as a whole, was behaving like some- body who wants to learn a foreign language but has no intention of ever speaking to a native speaker, and, even more, does not really care for the native speakers. New York: Palgrave Macmillan. Provincia Poloniae Polem. Sikk, A ; Taagepera, R ; How population size affects party systems and cabinet duration. Synopsis actorum Synopsis actorum S. Some Remarks On Jesuit Historiography

The actions of Pius VII in favor of the Jesuits were not necessarily well- received by everyone, and the history of anti-Jesuit polemics and actions reveal a good deal of continuity pre to post, perhaps especially in Europe. Thus, careful study of the history of opposition to the Jesuits, from to today, could reveal some significant continuity, though not without discontinuity as well. If opposition to the Jesuits has faded in more recent times in places such as France or Switzerland, why is that? Because the Jesuits have changed, or because their enemies have changed?

Or is it perhaps because the Jesuits are no longer perceived as mattering very much, in which case why bother trying to expel them or even curtail their activities? Restoration in parts of the world where the Society had enjoyed a major institutional presence with many school and church buildings, could have meant recovery of such institutional property.

In reality, there was not a lot of material recovery. The history of two Jesuit churches in Paris, one built in the seventeenth century and one in the nineteenth century, offers an interesting example of a kind of discontinuity and continuity between the pre and post Society. The seventeenth-century Jesuit church was dedicated to Saint Louis, that is, the canonized saint and thirteenth-century French king Louis IX, ancestor of the Bourbon monarchs. In choosing this name the French Jesuits promoted their alignment with the monarchy; Louis XIII himself laid the cornerstone in , and Cardinal Richelieu presided at the first Mass in the completed church in with the king, queen, and their court present.

The church Figures1. Bourdaloue, and by music commissioned from prominent composers includ- ing Marc-Antoine Charpentier. In , Saint-Louis became the parish church of Saint-PaulSaint-Louis, thus adding the name of a nearby parish that had been destroyed in the Revolution. The former Jesuit church remains a parish church today, while an adjacent building, previously the Jesuit residence, is a state school, the Lyce Charlemagne. In the mid-nineteenth century, with no prospect of recovering their earlier church, the French Jesuits commissioned a new church, this time on the rue de Svres, at the junction of the sixth and seventh arrondissements districts , on the left bank of the Seine.

Neither in name, architectural style, nor location in Paris was continuity with the church of Saint-Louis an obvious priority. Dedicated to the founder of the Jesuits, Saint-Ignace Figures1. Though connections with French heads of state were not as strong as they had been at Saint-Louis in the seventeenth century, Saint-Ignace did count among its benefactors Napoleon III, French emperor Like Saint-Louis, Saint-Ignace was not built to be a parish, and it still is not.

Both churches were built to serve a rapidly growing urban population, each church in what was an increasingly fashionable Parisian neighborhood. Saint-Louis was built not far from the elegant Place Royale today the Place des Vosges , commissioned by Henri IV at the beginning of the seventeenth century; in. Jane Lowe, Charpentier and the Jesuits at St. Louis, Seventeenth-Century French Studies 15 , In , the th anniversary of the founding of the Society of Jesus, the French Jesuits were permitted to use the church for the priestly ordination of several of their men; I attended this exceptional event.

Enghien: Institut Suprieur de Thologie, , On Jesuits and the rue de Svres in the nineteenth century, see also Burnichon, , , , June If the post Jesuits had an agenda of restoration, what was to be restored? Recovery of property was largely out of the question, so it did not mean that. But perhaps re-establishment of certain Jesuit works or ministries? Yet what model from the old Society was to be followed? From what era? From to much had changed in the world, in the Church and in the Society of Jesus, and thus such decisions were complex.

Was the goal to re-establish a Society of Jesus that was as similar as possible to the one that existed at the time of the suppression? In other words, was it a matter, as it were, of picking up where things left off in the s? Or would reaching back as far as possible be the goal, to the Society at its foundation in ? Was there a golden age to recover, and if so, when was it?

Was it within the lifetimes of Ignatius and his first companions, such as Francis Xavier? From a handful of companions in , the Society had grown to about a thousand members by the time Ignatius died in obviously, quite a different organization sim- ply by its size, but also one that had by the latter date not only papal approval, but elaborate Constitutions.

Would those sixteenth-century documents provide the blueprint or the construction or re-construction manual, for the post era? Even if some Jesuits and others piously believed that Ignatius and other early Jesuits who had a hand in composing the Constitutions were divinely inspired or guided, these texts were nevertheless framed by, or limited by, the time and place in which they were produced. Louis: Institute of Jesuit Sources, John Padberg St.

In both cases the continuing validity and normative value of the original document is affirmed even as a way of changing parts of it is made available. Thus new Jesuit Constitutions were not created post, though the sixteenth- century text did continue to be supplemented and superseded in parts, as had been the case pre The Jesuit Constitutions are not the only early documents that have been considered normative for the Society in any era.

And even if the normative golden age was presumed to be the time of Ignatius, what, exactly, from that time was thought to matter most, and to be within reach of re-establishment, recovery, or restoration? Might it be the life of Ignatius, as known in his so-called Autobiography? Or his writings in addition to the Constitutions, such as the Spiritual Exercises, or his thousands of letters? Or something else, such as the lives of other Jesuit saints, Francis Xavier among them? Some twenty-five years ago Philip Endean cautioned against what he called Jesuit fundamentalism, that is, a nave reading of Ignatius and the early Jesuits that presumes that what they did is immediately accessible to later gen- erations and quite directly imitable by them, all without any concern for chang- ing historical contexts.

Sometimes Jesuit history is imagined in terms of superiors general, their eras and their governance of the Society. Such studies may be principally biographical, such as C. Lightharts life of Jan Roothaan, general from to , a period in which the post Society of Jesus grew dramatically, but was also challenged from various quarters. But was. Jan Slijkerman London: Shand Publications, Arrupe, like Ignatius a Basque, perhaps in greater continuity with Ignatius in various ways than were many of the generals of the intervening centuries? Or did he create a new Society of Jesus, perhaps new and better, or perhaps new and irresponsibly discon tinuous with what had gone before?

The New Jesuits, edited by ex-Jesuit George Riemer, was published in ; it consists of essays by various American Jesuits Daniel Berrigan and John Padberg among them reflecting on how they thought the Society was changing at that time. It now seems dated, but it can shed light on how, in the years of Fr. Arrupes generalate, Jesuits thought about continuity and discontinuity in their own Jesuit lives and in Jesuit his- tory since To what extent have superiors general before or after the sup- pression looked back to Ignatius, or to some other predecessor as model?

And who are the most significant generals in the Societys history, and for what rea- sons? In the case of Ignatius, further questions to ask include which Ignatius has been taken as model for imitation: The Roman administrator of the s and s? Or an earlier Ignatius, such as the pilgrim of the s, or the giver of the Spiritual Exercises?

Louis: Institute of Jesuit Sources, , But a superior general is not necessarily representative or typical of Jesuits of his era. The degree to which individual Jesuits since have or have not resembled those of the Old Society is a question that can only be answered through a great many cases studies of both famous and relatively obscure Jesuits. The French biographer Jean Lacouture published in and a two-volume work entitled Jsuites: Une multibiographie, with volume one enti- tled Les conqurants The Conquerors and volume two Les revenants The Returning ; a condensed one-volume English translation was published in as Jesuits: A Multibiography.

Also, while the French word revenant literally means returning, it sometimes refers to a person come back from the dead, such as a ghost in a sance.

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Biographies of individual Jesuits abound, and they may help to clarify ways in which the Society has or has not changed over the centuries. The Italian Jesuit Matteo Ricci and his work in China have garnered a great deal of attention in recent years, especially on the occasion of the four hun- dredth anniversary of his death. Or was he a type of Jesuit that may be found in other times and places of the Societys history? Jeremy Leggatt Washington, d. These Jesuits include Ricci and Teilhard, as well as Arrupe and others.

But to what extent is such an individualized approach an anachronism that reflects not so much Jesuit history since Ignatius as it does modern and post- modern Western culture with its focus on individual choice and individual self-fulfillment? The Society of Jesus has always claimed to be more than a loosely connected lot of individuals, but a company, a body, with common ide- als, commitments, and goals. And there are instances of specific associations or organizations within the Society of Jesus, some of them focused on schol- arly work.

One is the Bollandists, a group of Jesuit scholars founded in the seventeenth century and devoted to scholarly research and publication on the history of the saints. The Bollandists still exist. This project was begun in by several French Jesuits, Jean Danilou and Henri de Lubac among them, and the work continues today under the direction of a team of Jesuits and their colleagues in Lyons. In the decades leading up to Vatican II, Danilou and de Lubac, each even- tually made a cardinal, were key proponents of theological ressourcement.

By ressourcement meant a going back to the written sources of Christianity, from the first century on, and there to find resources for renewal of the church in the modern world. Ressourcement did not mean a reactionary restoration of some imagined golden age in the past, but a careful appropriation of early Christian traditions judged more authentic and more life-giving than various accretions of the intervening centuries.

A key question for Jesuit history is: has there been a similar kind of res- sourcement in the Society of Jesus and regarding its early traditions and texts? Has this taken place in the two centuries since ? Or perhaps only since ca. Or in some other time frame? And to what extent have texts and traditions from the Society to been re-appropriated since ? The Monumenta editions of early Jesuit documents have certainly facilitated such appropriation or re-appropriation.

Louis, Missouri has produced and published. Robert Godding et al. Brussels: Socit des Bollandistes, Marcel Viller et al. Paris: Beauchesne, Indeed the Society of Jesus without the printing press is no more imaginable than the Protestant Reformation without print. For Jesuit publications pre, and also up to the early twentieth cen- tury, the multi-volume reference work produced by Carlos Sommervogel and several other Jesuits remains essential; Robert Danieluk has provided a thor- ough study of it.

Here are a few examples of post editions and printings of pre texts, each originally written in seventeenth-century France. Etienne Binet , was a Jesuit, preacher, administrator, and prolific author of some fifty books on a broad range of spiritual and academic topics. An example of a frequently re- published work is his treatise, Quel est le meilleur governement le rigoureux ou le doux? What is the best government, the rigorous or the gentle?

Not counting translations, Sommervogel lists three editions in the seven- teenth century , , , two during the suppression , , and three post , , and ; Sommervogel also lists three in Italian , , , and four in Latin , , , and Only the Latin version was not reprinted after I have read an edition published in Avignon not cited in Sommervogel , now in the library of the Centre Svres in Paris.

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Why was this treatise by Binet re-printed as late as nearly two and half cen- turies after his death? Binet explains that he intended this work especially for superiors in religious orders, and the works title in some editions makes this clear, e. Other texts by Binet were re-published in the nineteenth century, even in English,32 and some of his writings more recently than that.

Dominique Bouhours was a prolific French Jesuit author from the second half of the seventeenth century. For example, in an edi- tion of his life of Ignatius came out in Avignon, and another was published in Lyons in , while an English translation appeared in Philadelphia in ; in an edition of his life of Francis Xavier was published in Lyons, while an English version was published in in Philadelphia. With a few exceptions, Bourdaloues sermons were not published until after his death, when they were collected and edited by Jesuit Paul Bretonneau Cummiskey, ; Vie de S.

Cummiskey, Was Drydens translation re-printed post, or were other English translations preferred? Versailles: J. Lebel, For a list of Bourdaloues works and editions, see Sommervogel, Binet, Bouhours, and Bourdaloue are but three examples, all from early modern France, of prolific Jesuit authors whose influence extended well beyond their own time and place thanks to their publications. There are abun- dant examples of well-published Jesuits from seventeenth-century France, but also from many other eras and countries.

In a European country such as France, where Jesuits and their institutions and activities were prominent before the suppression, it makes some sense to speak of restoration when considering the Society of Jesus post This may also be true for Latin America, where the Old Society played a major role. The first Jesuits to go to Australia arrived in the mid-nineteenth century; they came from Austria and Ireland.

They could not have been restoring anything Jesuit from pre Australia, but they no doubt drew upon the experience and his- tory of Jesuits in Europe and elsewhere as they established missions and schools among both Australian Aboriginal peoples and European settlers. In this perspective, discontinuity, not continuity, before and after the suppression seems more prominent. As the subtitle suggests, Klaiber places considerable emphasis on continuity between pre and post Edward P. Murphy Nairobi, Kenya: Paulines Publications, Robert Emmett Curran Mahwah, N.

Light may also be shed on the degree of continuity or discontinuity between the pre and post Society of Jesus by greater attention to the ways in which the Society survived during those forty-one years, especially within the Russian Empire, but also in other places, often outside the boundaries of the Catholic kingdoms that had repudiated the Jesuits. Also, in a country such as France, something like the Jesuits had in fact also survived, under other names than the Society of Jesus.

Pierre-Joseph de Clorivire stands out, a suppressed French Jesuit who persevered in promoting Jesuit-inspired congregations and associations, who endured years of imprisonment under Napoleon, and who played the central role, as provincial, in the formal re- establishment of the Society in France in the immediate years post His exchange of letters with Fr. General Tadeusz Brzozowski provide insight into how both these men dealt with the delicate task of re-establishing the Society in a country whose monarchy had turned against it and whose sub- sequent Revolution and then Empire had proved no more favorable.

Clorivire was among both the Revolutions ardent opponents and the ardent promoters of the Sacred Heart. Or did the reactionary politicization of the Sacred Heart, especially in France, rob the Sacred Heart of its potential to undergird Jesuit chronological continuity and geographic unity? It can hardly be the case that restoration of monarchy played much of a role in Jesuit devotion to the Sacred Heart in the usa or in a number of other places in the Jesuit world as it developed post The pre-suppression Society had often been criticized for its closeness to the papacy; in France, those that promoted what they called Gallican liberties.

Clorivire avec T. Brzozowski , ed. Chantal Reynier, ahsi 64 On Clorivire, see also Lacouture, ; Bangert, , If anything, such tensions were even more prominent after than before, as an age of aggressive nationalism and nation-state building, not only in France but in Italy, Germany, and elsewhere, came into conflict with Jesuit internationalist ideals and with Jesuit support for a growing role of the pope in the Church. Joseph de Maistre , a layman, diplomat, and prolific writer from Savoy, was a particularly influential spokesman not only for restoration of the Papal States and of papal authority, but as a defender of the Jesuits and of papal infallibility.

If Jesuits were, as de Maistre saw them, sup- porters of an Ultramontanist ecclesiology, was this anything new, or merely the continuation of Jesuit ideas and priorities articulated by the first Jesuits and handed down, as it were, from generation to generation in the Society of Jesus? Was Vatican I, with its definition of papal infallibility and its affirmation of immediate, universal jurisdiction of the pope in the Church, a kind of vindica- tion of a long-standing Jesuit ecclesiology? Even if the answer is yes, all that has happened in the Church and the Society of Jesus since Vatican I and II may alter an assessment of continuity or discon- tinuity between the pre- and post-suppression Society and its relationship to the papacy.

Far more can and must be said on this, but this essay can but signal the crucial nature of this topic. Whether Vatican II was continuous or discontinuous with the Church up to that time has been a very much debated topic, and it has remained so as the fiftieth anniversary of the Council is celebrated or at least marked in some way.

Those that highlight discontinuity focus on a variety of factors including the collegial, collaborative, and conciliatory tone and style of the Councils documents, and the friendly stance of the Council in relation to non- Catholics, the Jews among them. If the Council broke with earlier Catholic hostility toward the Jews, was there a parallel shift in Jesuit attitudes toward the Jews?

Recent scholarly work provides a yes to this question. Theological Studies 73 : In an article entitled Gesuitomania, Emanuele Colombo has drawn attention to the extraordinary amount of attention given in recent years to the history of the pre Society of Jesus. The Old Society has never had it so good! But the post Jesuits have a long way to go, historiographically speaking. To fully answer the question this essay poses, much more work needs to be done on the last two centuries of Jesuits, includ- ing the de-centering of Europe and the rise of other continents in the last half century of Jesuit experience.

The libraries and archives with abundant, perti- nent resources are surely ready and willing to welcome the next generation of scholars. In the meantime, while awaiting their discoveries, I suggest that a combination of ressourcement and adaptation to new circumstances may have often been in tension with a less creative restorationist agenda.

Michela Catto et al. Rome: Societ editrice Dante Alighieri, The bicentenary of the bull Sollicitudo omnium Ecclesiarum 7 August invites all who are interested in the history of the Society of Jesus to reconsider the period between the Clementinian suppression and the Jesuits universal restoration.

A key task is to re-evaluate the relationship between the so-called old and new Societies: a division generally accepted by scholars in spite of its limitations. This article focuses on the historiographical tradition. It does not aim for a complete worldwide overview but, rather, offers some remarks organized around the fol- lowing questions: What has been done in the field of Jesuit history? From the outset, Jesuit historians took up the task of writing the history of their order.

Outstanding and well-known examples include the series Historia Societatis Iesu and, more recently, the publications of the Jesuit Historical Institute. Among the best known examples are the writings of the Italian Jesuit historian Giulio Cesare Cordara. Surprisingly there is no special section dedicated to the suppression-restora- tion in Sommervogel.

In his recent study, Isidoro Liberale Gatti shows how they inaugurated a negative historiography of Clement and helped create a black legend.

On the other hand, the French Jansenist periodical Nouvelles Ecclsiastiques wrote against the Jesuits, as did a number of pamphlets. The historiography of the period continued after the restoration of the Society. Giuseppe Albertotti Padua: L. Penada, English translation: On the Suppression of the Society of Jesus. A Contemporary Account. Translation and notes by John P. Murphy S. Chicago: Loyola Press, Manuel Luengo, Memorias de un exilio.

Diario de la expulsin de los jesuitas de los dominios del rey de Espaa , ed. Viaje del P. Manuel Luengo desde Bolonia a Nava del Rey, ed. La llegada de los jesuitas espaoles a Bolonia, ed. El triunfo temporal del antijesuitismo, ed. Bentez i Riera, ed. Crnica indita del P. Blas Larraz, S. Rome: Iglesia Nacional Espaola, Lisbon: Verbo, Carlos A. Page, Relatos desde el exilio. Memorias de los jesuitas expulsos de la antigua Provincia del Paraguay Asuncin: Servilibro, Lorenzo Ricci, generale della Compagnia di Ges. Biografia inedita del P.

Tommaso Termanini S. Profilo di un francescano e di un papa, vol. Jesuits was their fidelity to the Institute, i. This issue was crucial since it involved the delicate question of con- tinuity or discontinuity in the Societys history, interrupted in Thus, it is hardly surprising that history played an important role in confronting such preoccupations and became a privileged tool in defending the concept of the orders uninterrupted continuity.

Indeed, the theme of the suppression and restoration emerged several times after , e. At that time history once again became a defensive weapon. Sometimes this defense was entrusted to such unsuitable hands as those of the French writer Jacques Crtineau-Joly, the author of six volumes on the orders history who engaged in strong polemics with Vincenzo Gioberti and Augustin Theiner,10 whose publications portrayed the Jesuits in a negative light.

Losanne: S. Bonamici e Compagni, ; Apologia del libro intitolato Il Gesuita moderno, con alcune considerazioni intorno al Risorgimento italiano Bruxelles and Livorno: Meline, Cans e Comp. Paris: Julien Lanier et Cie, Theiner, prete dellOratorio Modena: Carlo Vincenzi, Carlo Curci, Fatti ed argomenti in risposta alle molte parole di V. Some Remarks On Jesuit Historiography Previous decades had not been particularly propitious for such work.

The Jesuits had to face not only ordinary problems connected to the rebuilding of structures destroyed in , but also internal tensions, conflicts, and many local expul- sions. One reason behind this was probably the fact that decree twenty-one of the general congregation of asked the superior general of the Society to foster both the official history of the order and its bibliography.

Luis Martn as superior general in promoting the compiling and reorganizing of Jesuit historiography. The twenty-fourth general congregation took place in Loyola. It not only elected Martn general, but also advised him, with its twenty- first decree, to promote studies of the orders history: The wish of certain provinces that writing the history of our Society should be resumed was expressed to the assembled fathers.

The congregation replied that this is among the desires of us all and is something to be recommended strongly to Our Father. He first ensured that the Jesuit archives would be preserved and better organized. He then gathered a group of Jesuits in Rome whose mission was to prepare not merely a simple continua- tion of the Latin Historia Societatis, but also to study the histories of particular provinces, assistancies, and other territorial or national units, written in mod- ern languages. The Maltese Joseph Strickland, a member of the Roman province, seems to have been the first person appointed to research the suppression period.

After visiting several archives in Italy between and , he continued his studies in England, leaving in Rome some of his research and an outline of the history of the. Chiesa, Papato e Curia Romana tra storia e teologia. Called to Rome in , he spent the rest of his life conducting research in several European libraries and archives, including those in Moscow and St. Initially, the general only wanted him to collect material for the history of the period Subsequently, this task was extended to the events preceding the suppression.

Early on, Martn also encouraged him to use the fruits of his researches in writing and publishing, but in this arena Gaillard proved less suc- cessful than in searching for documents. His huge legacy, at present preserved in the Archivum Romanum Societatis Jesu arsi , is composed of dozens of files with the summaries of thousands of documents, many of which he also transcribed.

He published only an account of his trip to Russia and some documents which were used for the preparation of the beati- fication of Jos Pignatelli, while some of his minor writings were published posthumously.