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Add to Cart. Free delivery. Arrives by Thursday, Oct 3. Pickup not available. This book explores the development of the cotton industries in Britain and America in the eighteenth to twentieth centuries. About This Item We aim to show you accurate product information. Manufacturers, suppliers and others provide what you see here, and we have not verified it. See our disclaimer.
Customer Reviews. Write a review. See any care plans, options and policies that may be associated with this product. Factory visits Young and the members of the Mosely Commission, traveling before cotton prices began to surge upward in late , were concerned with manufacturing rather than agriculture. Were British firms adopting new technologies?
Were British workers as productive as Germans or Americans? Thomas Young was especially interested in reports about the spectacular productivity of new machines like the Northrop automatic loom. Young and the Mosely commission members visited factories and talked to managers, workers, and business leaders. They praised American factory owners for opening their doors, as well as their time sheets and account books. After reviewing the evidence,Young, Ashton, and Wilkinson agreed that Lancashire had nothing to worry about with regard to technology. Young noted that American textile machines cost significantly more than comparable British models.
Macara, Recollections London, , , It is a commonplace in economic and business literature that American firms, faced with high labour costs and frequent turnover, substituted capital for labour. Faster machines like the ring spinning frame put more stress on cotton fibers, however. The International Cotton Federation tour of the US was supposed to focus on cotton fields, but tour guides in the South went out of their way to show factories to British and European visitors. ICF members flattered local newspapers with positive comments about Southern industry, but their sincerity was suspect.
Published by ykoketomel.ml (May ). Mary B. Rose, Firms, Networks and Business Values: The British and American. Cotton Industries since Cambridge. ykoketomel.ml: Firms, Networks and Business Values: The British and American Cotton Industries since (Cambridge Studies in Modern Economic History).
Urbana, , Charlotte Observer, 6 October Lancashire knew what machines were available and what they could and could not do. Travel in the American cotton belt held many surprises for British visitors. Despite the best efforts of New South promoters to highlight the rapid growth of Southern manufacturing, Britons were most impressed with the physical landscape of the South.
Tsurumi, E. DeBow, J. Porter, Michael E. F Wilson Lancaster, , 83— Contributor biographical information Broken link? Taylor, Frederick Winslow.
Expecting to see orderly cotton plantations and cleared farmland, they found a sparsely settled wilderness of pines. MacAlister 26 Macara, Recollections.
Farnie, ed. F Wilson Lancaster, , 83— American Cotton Industry, 54; see also Macara, Recollections. I mean as far as the negro is concerned. Samuel Knapp, a leading US Department of Agriculture scientist, left the delegates of the expedition convinced that cotton shortages of the past were flukes, caused by bad information and malicious traders in cotton futures markets. Manchester, , — Susanna Delfino and Michele Gillespie Columbia, , Lamb, who visited Georgia to study plant breeding before assuming a position with the colonial Agricultural Department in Uganda, took a decidedly pessimistic view of what he had seen.
Todd took an even more negative view. The nomadic instinct and an easy-going indolence are characteristic of his race. If treated as a white man and allowed to handle the money he earns, he spends it recklessly in vicious ways, and does no work until it is all gone … On the whole, he is probably not so well off as in slavery days. It was hardly a reliable source of information for understanding the future of American cotton agriculture.
Lancashire visitors were keenly aware of the changing structure of cotton cultivation in America, but the relationship between race and labour proved to be a serious blind spot. Negotiating the future of cotton The most important element of the and tours was a series of meetings with American manufacturers and farmers. The Lancashire delegation was surprised when the Southern cotton farmers proposed the creation of a cartel, which according to South Carolina farmer and future Senator E.
MacAlister reminded the farmers that their cotton was worthless until a spinner paid for it. All sides agreed that the tare and moisture content of cotton bales were wildly inconsistent, indicating sloppiness and fraud. In Atlanta, Sir Charles Macara gaveled down long-winded Southern orators who tried to revive talk of a cotton cartel. A uniform standard for baling American cotton would have to wait until , but the conference nonetheless set in motion a wave of reform in cotton handling and marketing which reduced waste and transaction costs in the industry.
British and European plans for a world-wide cotton reserve stalled by , but programs of institutional reform and data collection were well on their way. At the first meeting of the International Cotton Federation in , J.
The FCSDA was a massive combine of fine-spinning firms, and its directors some of whom were on the and visits wanted to guarantee a steady flow of high quality long-stapled cotton to their mills. British, European, and American cotton interests organised a second World Cotton Conference in , hoping to continue in New Orleans the work they had begun in Atlanta twelve years earlier. The boom was good for business, but it inspired reckless investment in new mills around the world, in an industry that was dealing with excess capacity before the war.
Moreover, raw cotton prices were higher than ever, and Macara conceded that cotton was unlikely to ever be cheap again. The instability which had plagued the pre-war industry was back with a vengeance, and by Southern cotton farmers no longer had any interest in cooperating with British manufacturers to hold the price of cotton down.
As a South Carolinian at the conference put it, The old day of low-price labor and low-cost cotton has gone forever. The old economic claims of the all-cotton system have been broken and gone to the scrap heap, never again to be forged … these things have made the South poor, not rich. The post-war cotton bubble burst in the summer of , and by many Lancashire mills faced ruin.