Many people on this side of the debate are considering voting tactically on 7 May for the candidate best placed to keep the nationalists out. Although the polls are still pointing to an SNP landslide victory in Scotland, many in the party are wary of celebrating too soon, fearing that their support may suddenly fall away in the voting booths.
But whatever result the country wakes up to on 8 May, one thing is undeniable: it will have been largely shaped by the events of last September. The Independent has got together with May All data, polls and graphics are courtesy of May Click through for daily analysis, in-depth features and all the data you need. All historical data used is provided by UK Polling Report. You can find our Community Guidelines in full here.
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Buy Days of Hope and Fear: How Scotland s Referendum was Lost and Won by David Torrance (ISBN: ) from Amazon's Book Store. Days of Hope and Fear: How Scotland s Referendum was Lost and Won by David Torrance () [David Torrance] on ykoketomel.ml *FREE*.
Read latest edition. UK Edition. US Edition. Log in using your social network account. Please enter a valid password. Keep me logged in. At a lower level, he notes that the constitutional bargaining processes have distributional consequences, in which some actors will benefit more than others. Constitution-making thus involves elements of cooperation and competition. This useful framework can be applied in a wide array of design situations.
A portrait of dysfunction and normalcy, the book humanizes a group of poor black men whose entire lives are colored by their relationship with the police. The empirical turn in international and comparative law is an important one, requiring the careful collaboration of lawyers and social scientists. Shameless plug alert: the authors use one of my co-authored books as an example throughout the text. My colleague Eric Posner, with The Twilight of Human Rights Law , has written what is sure to be a controversial attack on human rights law.
This book both critiques human rights law for lack of efficacy, and suggests that a welfarist approach would be superior on normative grounds. While development economics has made a lot of mistakes, he argues, it is continuously learning from them and not committed to any single approach. I like the sentiment, but think he may understate the extent to which human rights practitioners engage in similar experimentalism. Some of the interesting efforts to leverage social norms to ban female genital mutilation in Africa, for example, explicitly involve the interplay of theory and experimentation that Posner advocates.
More deeply, one wonders whether the welfarist approach advocated by the book might be served by having some agents who are committed in an absolute way to deontological goals. In any case, this is a powerful and clearly argued book that is well worth wrestling with.
His discussion of the role of quality in establishing constitutional review is theoretically quite sophisticated. That support operates independently of the political environment, and sometimes can open space for the constitutional court to operate in conflict with the predominant political forces. So, for example, I think it quite difficult for US-trained legal scholars, who have a deep exposure to American Legal Realism, to fully appreciate the depth of the commitment in Australian legal culture to formalism—and so to fully appreciate why the innovations of the Mason Court were so resisted and short-lived.
And, of course, that is a comparison between two common-law constitutional systems. Being a British constitutional lawyer based in Glasgow, the Scottish independence referendum that took place on 18 September rather unsurprisingly dominated my year. On a turnout of 84 percent, the Scottish electorate voted by 2 million votes to 1. The United Kingdom is an unusual state. It is neither a single nation comprised of multiple states as the United States of America is ; nor is it a single nation-state as France is. Rather, it is a state of nations: a union of four component parts—England, Wales, Scotland, and Northern Ireland.
Yet the UK is not, and never has been, a federation. The four component nations are not equal to one another. There was a Union of Britain and Ireland from but it came to a bloody end in , when most of Ireland left the UK only the six counties of Northern Ireland remain part of the UK. Scotland and England have shared the same monarch since and the same Parliament at Westminster since It is too soon yet for any book-length academic analysis of the Scottish independence referendum to have appeared, but four books were published in time for the end-of-year holidays, in which authors reflect on the campaign, the result and its meanings.
I have read three of them and these are my books of the year. Alan Cochrane is one of the most experienced political journalists working in Scotland. He writes for the right-leaning Daily Telegraph , a paper that strongly supported a No vote. A commentator of the old school, Cochrane is as opposed to devolution as he is to Scottish independence. Furtively, he kept a diary throughout the campaign which ran for two-and-a-half years, starting in early , published under the typically self-serving and hyperbolic title, Alex Salmond: My Part in his Downfall.
It will be read avidly by everyone who was involved in the campaign but will be of very limited interest to anyone else. I read it in a single sitting. David Torrance is a freelance political commentator based in London and Edinburgh, best known in Scotland at least for his unofficial biography of Alex Salmond.
He produces books at a prolific rate. Torrance has not disclosed which way he voted in the referendum. He is an advocate of the view that the best future for both Scotland and Britain is within a newly minted federal constitution. The result is a book that becomes too much about the author and too little about the events he was supposedly observing.
Still, the book does well to capture the emotions of the closing weeks of the campaign: the panic and chaos, the anxiety and fear, and the hope and expectation. My heart was racing as I relived it all. Peter Geoghegan, like Torrance, is a freelance journalist. Originally from Ireland, he has been living in and writing about Scotland for a decade or so.
He is a lovely writer whose fascination with politics is bottom-up. Geoghegan is a sensitive writer who traveled across the length and breadth of Scotland to seek out how the referendum was being experienced in communities as diverse as those of the Outer Hebrides, the Borders, working-class Catholics in the west-central belt, and the ex-mining towns of west Fife.
Scotland may be small, but it is a remarkably diverse nation. Alone of our three writers he makes a serious attempt to place the Scottish independence referendum in international context: Geoghegan travels to Catalonia and to the Balkans during the course of the campaign and writes essays from and on each, included as chapters in this book. Geoghegan and indeed Ascherson supported a Yes vote.
It was said during the campaign that the Yes side had all the best tunes and that their campaign was conducted in poetry whereas the No campaign was confined to prose. Prose won. Great constitutional stories, however, need both prose and poetry. There is a great deal further to be said about the constitutional story of Scotland in Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford. It furthers the University's objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education by publishing worldwide.
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Theresa May. The Tories may repay him by not trashing his name and reputation any more. Too little too late? Article activity alert. Still, Westminster was untroubled. At the same time, their effective inclusion in constitutional law could not be achieved without a final confirmation by the Constitutional Court. In Australia, that is borne by the liberal party manifesto.
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