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Either any loss of human dignity is inadmissible, in which case there is stasis. Michael R. Flowing text, Original pages. Formulated in this way, we recognize the analogy to John S. This timely volume advances the discussion on many of the questions over which cosmopolitans and non-cosmopolitans continue to disagree.
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Book , Online - Google Books. Margalit, Avishai, Why compromise? These run the gamut from ballistic missile technology to weapons trafficking, to the use of surrogates and proxies to naval mines and undersea activity, and last but not least to malicious activity in cyberspace. Here is where things can go sour. And here is where there could have been a better deal. Contrary to what President Obama has argued, the alternative to the deal is not necessarily war.
The alternative could have been a better deal that addresses at least some of the malignancies the general listed above. The alternative could have also been no deal, leaving the general with the same threats, including the problematic nuclear infrastructure that has been outlined in detail—an infrastructure that will require vigilant monitoring and deterrent capabilities with or without the agreement.
The agreement says nothing about curtailing support for terrorism or respecting even the most basic interests of our allies. There is nothing about shipments of rockets to Hamas.
There is nothing about relief for American prisoners held in Iran. There is not even a perfunctory statement of non-aggression in the region. The failure to use any semblance of linkage may ultimately be the cockroach in the soup.
When is political compromise acceptable--and when is it fundamentally rotten, something we should never accept, come what may? But, as Avishai Margalit argues, there are moral limits to acceptable compromise even for peace. Combining philosophy, politics, and history, and written. When is political compromise acceptable--and when is it fundamentally rotten, something we should never accept, come what may? What if a rotten compromise.
The result of the agreement will be increased military attention in the region, not less. More money and more resources of every kind will need to be trained on Iranian threats to counter the infusion of resources Iran receives when sanctions are lifted. If the United States seeks to disengage from the region—or at least reduce its commitments in the Middle East—this deal is likely to be counter-productive.
Agreements work when there is a rough consensus on values and interests.
The atmospherics surrounding this particular agreement are not favorable. The great powers are pulling in different directions and the western allies are not in alignment either. Now that the agreement is in place, the real work begins. In the early s the party platform already advocated a two-state solution and Palestinian autonomy.
When he was done, two listeners approached him, who introduced themselves as Irving Howe and Michael Walzer, eminent American intellectuals. At the same time, he urgently warned Margalit and his party against placing themselves on the political fringe. Compromises show who we are Ideals say something about how we want to be.
Compromises, writes Margalit in the context of the experience, show who we are. The idea of political compromise, he argues, is trapped between two irreconcilable pictures: politics as religion and politics as economics. In the religious picture, politics is dominated by the idea of the holy: the relevant standards originate not in the political process, but precede it.
The identification of politics and religion carries risks: for example, political sectarians suspect fathomless evil even in the smallest deviations.