The Moral Mother was therefore regarded as an important member of society and as crucial in ensuring the maintenance of order in the family and, by extension, to prevent social upheaval Grogan Since the ideal of motherhood was deeply ingrained in antebellum America, and financial security was mainly to be found in marriage, women were generally very willing to be married. Indeed, by the end of the nineteenth century, more than ninety per cent of American women were married and many also quite happily.
Although the Romantic notion of a marriage based on love gained in acceptance, most marriages were probably mainly economic partnerships Freedman Once married, a woman lost most of her legal rights: She no longer had complete control over her property, could not sue or be sued, and not testify before the court. If a married woman worked, the wages she earned belonged in legal terms entirely to her husband. In fact, one could describe married women as "civilly dead" Freedman Only in the second half of the century women were be granted property rights with the Married Women's Property Acts Epstein A wife could rarely divorce from her husband and if the husband divorced from her, she was seldom granted custody over the children, and this despite the fact that she was considered to possess superior abilities in childcare.
She and her children were regarded as not much more than property of the husband Bomarito vol2 1. One major problem which could arise in marriages was domestic violence. In all social classes, men who could not stand the social pressure of outward success sometimes directed their frustration against their wives. This was especially problematic since women, as has been mentioned, could only divorce in seldom cases.
They had to rely on other men such as their brothers and fathers to represent them in court. The ideal of womanhood made women therefore very vulnerable to male aggression Freedman In this context, the influence of a man's peer group should not be ignored. If a man's work companions demonstrated a harsh treatment of their wives, many men conformed to this peer pressure and acted accordingly with the same "masculine" violence Grogan Since most cases of domestic violence occurred in connection with the consumption of alcohol, women soon became deeply involved in the emerging temperance movements Freedman 22 , with which I will deal later on in more detail.
For example, they still had property rights Rendall But they were regarded as future-mothers and therefore expected to be submissive, "pure" and beautiful as well. One of the main fears that parents had, was that their daughters could become involved in an illegitimate relationship and become pregnant before marriage. Since marriage was then hardly possible for them, they often faced economic hardship and were often even forced into prostitution.
Prostitution dans la Ville de Paris that "one could only reproach them for not having the courage to die of hunger. This condemnation of prostitutes is also largely applicable to nineteenth-century America. Another group which did not conform to the ideology of femininity and was therefore ostracized were the so-called "spinsters" or "old maids". Although spinsterhood was rare in antebellum America, it could be an alternative for intellectual women who actively sought independence from men.
Yet if such women had no family support or were successful writers they faced great hardship. Hence it is not surprising that many women preferred marriage over such a state of existence Freedman Technological progress made people less reliant on nature and nature was therefore not experienced as threatening and omnipotent as before Schulz This led to a strengthened self-confidence which can best be coined in Franklin's term of the self-made man.
As men realized that they themselves had brought about this change, they emancipated themselves more and more from God. This was especially the case with men, because they were the major innovators of new ideas to improve their lives while women were mostly excluded from it. The transition from a colonial, deferential society to a more egalitarian one led to a democratizing impulse: it "reconstructed American Protestantism through its appeal to popular aspirations, which disregarded distinctions of class and education and inverted traditional forms of religious authority in the name of religious and popular democracy" Conser This also led to a general demise in religion, especially among men, as Epstein notes Epstein The Second Great Awakening emerged as an effort to revert this decline.
It lasted from around - , which means that it was ever-present in antebellum America. Although it was initiated by men, women played a major role in it Epstein Why women were so prominent in it and what the movement's specific goals were, will be the main issue in this chapter. For the majority of women religion remained vital to their world view, while men were the ones who governed the country.
Most of these ruling men were not highly religious and felt irritated by women's emotional approach to life.
Oliver Steinert-Lieschied Author. Add to cart. Contents Works Cited 1. Primary Sources 2. Secondary Sources I. Introduction II. Conclusion Works Cited 1. Primary Sources Byron, George Gordon.
Emerson, Ralph Waldo. New York. Fuller, Margaret. Woman in the Nineteenth Century. Willard, Emma. Wordsworth, William. Seamus Heaney Ed. London: Faber and Faber, Secondary Sources Albrecht, James M. Dictionary of Literary Biography, Number Wesley T. Mott Ed. Woodbridge, Connecticut: Gale Group, Barney, William L. Bomarito, Jessica; Jeffrey W. Clarke and Transcendentalism. New York: Henry Holt and Company, Conser, Walter H, Jr. Columbia, South Carolina: Univ. Davis, Cynthia J.
Degler, Carl. New York: Oxford Univ Press, Stuttgart: Metzler, Freedman, Estelle B. Goldstein, Leslie F. Greenblatt, Stephen. Frankfurt am Main: Fischer, Grogan, Susan K. Hoffert, Sylvia D. Lockwood, Tom. Ben Jonson and the Romantic Age. New York: Oxford Univ. Maas, Christel Maria. Nicolay, Theresa Freda. Rendall, Jane. Schulz, Dieter. Stern, Madeleine B. Theriot, Nancy. Lexington, Ky: Univ. Press of Kentucky, Urbanski, Marie Mitchel Olesen. Willis, Martin and Catherine Wynne Eds.
Victorian Literary Mesmerism. Introduction "Let them be sea-captains, if you will", Margaret Fuller stated in her main work Woman in the Nineteenth Century Woman However, when regarded in its historical context, two questions arise: Firstly, what underlying gender concept encouraged Fuller to make such a statement, in "a time of excessive gender polarization" Bomarito vol2 1 , a time in which the ideal of domesticity and Republican Motherhood Freedman 25 determined the role of woman?
Goldstein states that commonly there a distinction was made between nineteenth century "feminism", which was mainly concerned with the "quest for women's rights" and twentieth century feminism, concerned with the "quest for women's liberation". This role model restricted her even more than that of the Republican Mother, because it excluded her from the benefits of better education Ross Marriage Since the ideal of motherhood was deeply ingrained in antebellum America, and financial security was mainly to be found in marriage, women were generally very willing to be married. Young, unmarried girls enjoyed more freedom than their married fellow women.
Sign in to write a comment. Read the ebook. American Studies - Literature American Transcendentalism. Philosophie - Philosophie des Jahrhunderts Kritik der historischen Vernunft in d In , the proto-socialist Saint-Simonians announced that they were putting their efforts to reform society on hold to "wait for the woman"--a female messiah who would dispense a new morality for the modern age. When she failed to appear, they scurried off to Egypt, hoping to find her there. Some years later, another socialist, Simon Ganneau, anointed himself the Mapah, an androgynous synthesis of maternal and paternal qualities who would soften the harder edges of contemporary social relations, ushering in an era of organic wholeness.
Then, there was Louis-Jean Baptiste de Tourreil, a former sailor who concocted a utopia in which the sacred union between the first man and first woman--appropriately dubbed the Evadam--became the template for all social bonds. Yet, in her fascinating new book, Naomi J. Andrews turns the tables, as it were, on those who would judge these eccentricities too harshly. French romantic socialism's obsession with gender relations and androgyny were, she persuasively argues, integral to a social philosophy devised to counter the atomizing tendencies of the increasingly market-driven society of July Monarchy France In so doing, she makes valuable contributions to our understanding of early socialist thought and the political uses of gender in nineteenth-century France.
Andrews begins by situating the emergence of romantic socialism within the politically disenchanted climate that followed the overthrow of the Bourbon monarchy in , which many contemporaries regarded as a "stolen revolution" p.
In chapter 2, Andrews considers how disillusionment with high politics led young intellectuals, often steeped in the pervasive culture of romanticism, to flock to the socialist sects blossoming throughout Paris during the s. Fusing a romantic sensibility with a concern for the working classes, the doctrines they dreamt up, Andrews argues, shared two traits: they were philosophically opposed to "individualism," and they believed that women provided the key to overcoming it.
Each thinker, Andrews demonstrates, proposed an idiosyncratic variation on a common theme: that individualism could be overcome only through the ministrations of the feminine spirit. Why were socialists so convinced that the solution to social fragmentation lay in women? In chapter 3, Andrews demonstrates that women--or, to be exact, an idealized notion of "the woman"--became central to socialist thought because they were believed to embody the virtues of relatedness and sympathy required to overcome the excessive individualism of July Monarchy society.
This conception of woman, Andrews acknowledges, was hardly original; it drew on depictions of the self-sacrificing mother disseminated by Marian theology and popular religiosity. Rather, the novelty of socialist thought lies in the ways in which it mobilized these conventional representations to denounce a social order that it condemned as selfish and atomized.
Some sought to rehabilitate Eve, seeing in her humanity's beneficent mother rather than Adam's evil temptress; others turned to Mary, arguing that as a woman born free of sin, she occupied a middle realm between men and God. Yet, as Andrews perceptively remarks, the messianic task that women were assigned was not quite the compliment that it appeared. For, if women could transcend individuality, then they were not really individuals; if they were nearly divine, their status as humans was uncertain. Chapter 4 examines Leroux's and Constant's gendered articulations of community by highlighting the problematic implications of their warm embrace of the feminine.
The basic tension in their thought, Andrews maintains, is that it could only erase one form of difference by reifying another; to overcome society's atomized condition, in which individuals appear to one another as irreducibly different, socialists praised women's innate predisposition toward love and sociability--thus giving sexual difference an ontological character. The account may read a high and requested religion Consulate and be technical account digits or a Diplomatic part for state. Please understand complex e-mail conditions.
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