proxy.littlelives.com/behind-the-scenes-or-thirty-years-a-slave.php How to do emotions with words: emotionality in conversations. Part II. Figurative language in emotional communication. Emotion concepts: social constructionism and cognitive linguistics 6. What's special about figurative language in emotional communication? Conflict, coherence and change in brief psychotherapy: a metaphor theme analysis 8.
Convential metaphors for depression. Part III. Social and cultural dimensions. Emotion, verbal expression and the social sharing of emotion Rewards and risks of exploring negative emotion: an assimilation model account Blocking emotions: the face of resistance. Includes bibliographical references and indexes. Other Form Print version Verbal communication of emotions. Mahwah, N. View online Borrow Buy Freely available Show 0 more links Set up My libraries How do I set up "My libraries"?
John and Alison Kearney Library. Open to the public ; BF Edith Cowan University Library. Griffith University Library. Open to the public.
May not be open to the public Held. In response, this paper aims to present the necessary modularity to allow virtual humans VH conversation with consistent facial expression -either between two users through their avatars, between an avatar and an agent, or even between an avatar and a Wizard of Oz. We believe such an approach is particularly suitable for the design and implementation of applications involving VHs interaction in virtual worlds.
To this end, three key features are needed to design and implement this system entitled 3D-emoChatting. First, a global architecture that combines components from several research fields. Recent scholarship has noted the lack of political challenge to the austerity agenda in the quality and public service sectors of news media, where the need for cuts has been broadly accepted as necessary. Both campaigns focused primarily on anger as a politically motivating emotion. At first this anger was attributed to politicians, and then increasingly to readers responding to the campaign, principally in letters to the editor.
The papers found some support in opinion polls that seemed to be shifting in their favour, but also took protest seriously as an expression of public outrage. Anger was also attributed to those affected by the bedroom tax, and despite being described as victims, they were not denied agency as is more typical in such campaigns.
The narratives of suffering aimed to legitimise a demand for political action. The newspapers encouraged affected individuals to write to MPs and even the Prime Minister setting out their case. However, these emotive tales of bedrooms used to house specialist medical equipment or kept as shrines to dead children were then treated as isolated cases that did not constitute a challenge to the policy as a whole.
Government ministers were able to respond emotionally appropriately with sympathy and concern to discursively shut down the argument without actually doing anything. Bakhtinian narrative theory suggests that emotional personal narrative can be useful in disrupting the dominant social narrative from within, by fitting into a dominant understanding but shifting it. The danger, though, is that the narrative can degenerate into melodrama and lose the potential for structural critique. Even Habermas — the great rationalist — has occasionally admitted that reasoned argument will not always be persuasive, and there may be a case for civil society groups thematizing and dramatizing issues to show why they are important.
The danger with focusing on the suffering of victims, is, on the one hand, to speak on their behalf, and on the other to focus on their suffering over other more political emotions. For Deborah Gould, the political work is in transforming the affective response to marginalisation and exploitation into mobilizing emotions of indignance and outrage rather than shame. In individualising the issue, such a focus could reinforce the dominant narrative that responsibilizes the victim as a neoliberal subject.
She is the author of News and Civil Society Ashgate, , and writes on publics and protest in news media. Since then, there has been a remarkably reflective discussion of the appropriate labels to describe different experiences of migration and asylum. Labels and terminology do, of course, matter.
They help us understand, for example, why people who flee war and persecution have the right to claim asylum, while others seek jobs in other countries purely for economic reasons. These discussions do nothing to explain why people risk their lives to seek asylum. Treating asylum seekers and migrants as statistics not only strips them of their humanity, but also reduces them to the condition of voiceless and helpless victims. The personal stories of those who seek solace in Europe remain blithely ignored and unreported in the mainstream press.
One rare example of writing that takes into account the perspectives of those who find themselves displaced by conflict was an Owen Jones piece in the New Statesman. We learn how Abdul, from Sudan, saw his village burned to the ground by an Arab-supremacist militia. Voices matter We need more news stories told from the perspective of those who attempt to reach Europe in suffocating trucks, overcrowded trains and sinking boats, rather than from the perspective of those who do the counting. We need more narratives that give voice to the individual experiences of asylum seekers, refugees, first and second generation migrants.
There are encouraging signs. A fast-growing new clutch of grassroots petitions and solidarity campaigns suggest that public sympathy for the plight of forced migrants and refugees has reached a tipping point. If the numbers of migrants are unprecedented, so is the outpouring of compassion. This could be the start of a whole new debate on refugees and migrants — and the way we should treat them as humans, not numbers. She has published articles on cosmopolitan cinema, cosmopolitanism and religion, and on the cultural borders of Europe and globalization.
She is currently researching the relation between migrant arts, citizenship and public life as well as the relation between new activisms and the mediation of protest. Briant, University of Sheffield Already the tremors of recent days are shaking fear-fuelled ideologies out of the woodwork. Sadly, the minimal press coverage given in the West to recent terrorist attacks in Iraq and Lebanon aids those trying to pretend that this is violence perpetrated by Muslims against non-Muslims, rather than showing us the reality of shared victimisation.
We will continue to fail in fighting violent extremism if we do not begin by addressing the real-world circumstances on which it is founded, including inequality, poverty and social injustice. It is sadly predictable that the scapegoats being blamed en masse for the Paris attack are the refugee victims of Islamic State, something IS clearly intended. As my research with Glasgow Media Group shows, media misrepresentation of refugees and migrants is nothing new and has been used to drive through legislation that has hampered integration in our communities, including austerity cuts to public services, harsher conditions for migrants and attacks on the Human Rights Act.
In fact, such calls actually distract us from the foreign policy failures that fuelled the rise of IS and have driven forced migration to Europe. Strategy is informed by a small circle of government-funded or affiliated terrorism experts, think-tanks and academics — with similar ideas and objectives. This leads to the recirculation of the same ideas that have repeatedly failed us.
Such strategies increase tensions in our communities, stifle academic freedom in schools and universities and increase feelings of alienation among Muslims in the UK. The all-too-frequent refusal of both the British and US governments to listen to independent social science stifles their understanding of the causes and therefore solutions for dealing with terrorism. I would argue not. It divides us and prevents intercultural understanding.
Editorial Reviews. Review. This is a very important book. The benefit of this compliation is a The Verbal Communication of Emotions: Interdisciplinary Perspectives - Kindle edition by Susan R. Fussell. Download it once and read it on your. The Verbal Communication of Emotions: Interdisciplinary Perspectives [Susan R. Fussell] on ykoketomel.ml *FREE* shipping on qualifying offers. This book pulls.
Chilling words, given the subsequent rise of Islamic State. The lack of transparency and debate has facilitated the developing crisis and greater understanding of the value of independent academic expertise would, in the long term, produce more robust solutions. What we need is to see how recent events have been fuelled by our own flawed policies and a media that focuses less on headlines than showing us the truth.
Her research interests are in the areas of propaganda, influence and censorship in the US and UK, war reporting, counter-terrorism and governmental adaptation to a changing media environment. They can appear to be expressed in a political vocabulary, yet they are rather emotional, unfounded in rational terms, I would add. Although Fenton aims to offer a strong argument in favour of including radical or left-wing politics as an important factor in any analysis of protest and digital media, I suggest a broader and more general reading of her interesting analysis.
Thus, for the purpose of the present note, I propose that we keep the possibility of some protesting views being more emotional and less political; based more on myth and imagination rather than on verifiable information. They consider themselves as belonging to a nation. They are proud of their collective and inherited being.
However, official Eurostat data draws a very different picture; most non-EU citizens who received residence permits in the EU during were from the United States, Ukraine, China and India. This is caused by two factors: 1 the fear that they will be labelled as traitors and 2 constant peer pressure. Not really. Nationalism is a feeling implanted in almost everybody, an ideology within many other ideologies.
This is a challenge worth to be addressed, but requiring a lot more effort than the one made so far. Andreas Anastasiou is teaching and conducting doctoral research in the department of Media and Communication at the University of Leicester, shifting to the academia after twenty five years in journalism.
In response, I began to follow and study this grassroots movement as it developed. Credit: loretta. And what was clear about SlutWalk, is that like other protests which capitalise on anger and outrage Jasper , SlutWalk was a movement which generated emotion. Whether you supported it or opposed it, news articles and blog posts were filled with emotion.
Others focused on the ways SlutWalk participants had no clear sense of how the movement challenged the status quo. Take that, patriarchy! In fact, the only thing the state is likely to do for me is punitive. And that is not a shameful thing, that is not a loss of dignity.
Even if they are the slut-version of Voldemort. Even if they are sexy. As part of my research I also interviewed 22 organisers of SlutWalks around the world, all of whom were clearly touched, and many of whom were left emotionally drained from their involvement with the movement. All of this points to the affective labour involved in activism, which is often understudied. SlutWalk Chicago organiser Stephanie Sutton on the other hand saw her involvement in the movement as a crucial way of healing after her own assault.
And while this individual level of healing is certainly important, SlutWalk did more than that — it managed to introduce a range of feminist rhetoric and discourses into the mainstream. While she tries to punish one of her students who committed theft in a morally instructive way, life teaches the instructor a much more serious moral lesson. This title attracted the attention of the two directors. Yet, the smiles gradually freeze and so does the heart. With a stunning simplicity, typical of directors such as Michael Haneke, Grozeva and Valchanov lead Nadezhda through all the cycles of a modern hell.
Like factor analysis, the topic names in bold typeface are labels supplied by the authors and are not automatically learned by the model. The authors consider the extent to which these narratives help engender support for these movements and articulate the voices of patients with a variety of conditions. More than one hundred years ago, John Watson made a powerful argument for the value of new methods for studying behavior in noting that:. Even if they are the slut-version of Voldemort. Figure 1 shows a multi-dimensional scaling of the topic model derived semantic summaries where each point represents a single session.
The Lesson reveals a long-held public secret: most of the physical and emotional labor in the world today falls on the backs of women. The film also reveals the difficulties and the conflicts which women face in an advanced capitalist society: the need to confront not only gender inequalities but also the crumbling of all networks of institutional and interpersonal solidarity and support. The story of the Bulgarian teacher shows what happens when all forms of human dignity and mutual aid are allotted monetary value and expected to perform according to market rules.
It reminds us that despite the promise of the post-socialist world was not liberated from relentless bureaucracy — that it lives on and lives well, ever more soulless and impersonal, especially in these times of new technologies. The Lesson does not shy away from the painful topic of corruption: the normalized impunity of informal cooperation between the agents of law enforcement, financial capital and the criminal world.
Without becoming sensationalist, the film shows the subtle yet brutal mechanisms of physical, sexual, and emotional coercion in a financially and emotionally impoverished society. Judging by the characters in the film, Bulgarian men or men in general can easily afford to act ruthlessly, irresponsibly and with impunity toward all women around them. Women are bullied, lied to, or left in oblivion. Despite his apparent naivety, however, he secretly takes out a mortgage and only confesses this to her once it is too late.
Yet, despite his wrongdoing, Nadezhda fears hurting or humiliating him. It is here that the events of the winter of appear as a negative background to the movie. In late January that year Bulgaria witnessed seven self-immolations since then the number has increased to over twenty. With one exception — a single mother — all who have committed self-immolation were men. They often commit suicide after failing to pay off their seemingly insignificant household debts. For a Bulgarian household, however, these few hundreds or few thousands of Euro debt are simply not insignificant. Still less, as the film reminds us, when the stake of the loan is not just monetary: paying off the debt becomes an issue of life and death.
What the film fails to offer is even a hint to the causes and conditions: why is it that a Bulgarian teacher decided to rob a bank in ? While the movie lacks historical references, the genealogy of the Bulgarian The Lesson is painfully clear. The introduction of market economy after deepened the growing poverty and inequality already present in the later years of state socialism. It immersed a growing number of Bulgarian families in a never-ending crisis, unemployment, and uncertainty. Illogical alliances and antagonisms emerged. The destruction of the welfare state was presented as a sign of improvement.
Privatization and austerity were seen as remedies to unemployment and impoverishment, while the latter were attributed to personal laziness and lack of entrepreneurial spirit. In the situation of chronic poverty, precarious income fails to meet the rising price of consumption and — as a logical consequence — of household debt. Informal loans provide a quick-fix and unsustainable solution. They gradually become an unbearable, dangerous burden, as households sink deeper into the quagmire of debt.
This is historically and statistically truer for men. They turn to forms of self-aggression especially in situations that deprive them of their symbolic masculinity: the persistent norm that men should be strong and act as breadwinners, even today, when the largest part of productive, and reproductive work is done by women. The gender pay-gap and traditionally lower pay of feminised forms of work such as teaching as well as formal and informal care work which women do still happen in conditions of growing gender inequality.
Thus, no surprises when women resort to highly stigmatized and dangerous solutions as sex work, or — less often — as bank robbery. The reasons to seek such solutions — the economic deadlock and coercion of women and people in general in the former Eastern bloc — are hardly mentioned and even less addressed in policy reports both in Bulgaria and abroad. Campaigns against domestic violence shy away from mentioning the economic and social reasons that draw Bulgarian men to violence, and women — to migration, often along dangerous paths.
I watched The Lesson with a friend who was attending a creative writing course. Perhaps that is why people still withstand capitalism — its story is credible. And so is that of The Lesson. A version of this article was originally published in LeftEast. Mariya Ivancheva is a sociologist and anthropologist. Mariya is a member of Attac Ireland and the editorial board of LeftEast. She can be found on Twitter as mivanche. But then I may need to provide a few more words… Femen, Everyday Sexism and Slutwalk are just three examples of movements that in their own ways send very clear messages of resistance; rejection; and strength.
Without feminists, in the UK, women would have no right to vote; thanks to the women who were forcibly fed nearly years ago. Of course, the history of feminist thought has not been without its own problems. For a beautiful articulation of this see bell hooks. At the same time, the existence of tensions and debates within feminism does not negate its utility or purpose, rather it enables us to see myriad ways in which the patriarchy is manifest.
The problems that feminism has had to work out demonstrate that, rather than being some idealised abstract project, feminism is about real people reacting to the individual social, political, cultural and economic contexts in which they find themselves. As patriarchy has evolved and mutated into new forms, so must our response.
Now we must say: fuck patriarchy. The existence of contemporary feminist literature and movements, also remind us that there is still work to do. And this work is taking place within the academy, and beyond. Within the academy we are encouraged to present our arguments as nuanced and subtle; this is also the case in public discourse. In short, nuance works to shore up and diffuse, rather than challenge or destabilise the status quo. Feminism in many of its forms encourages us to challenge, or at least, question dominant norms.
So if we do say, fuck the patriarchy, what is it that we express? Fuck is a word that is seen as offensive and upsetting. That is pretty offensive; presumably more so than just a word. So the expression fuck the patriarchy can be used to transgress, to oppose and to draw attention; and to express anger, as a way to mobilise. Collective action and articulation is powerful; it facilitates the reclamation of agency in the face of oppression.
I know too many women in professional roles who are exhausted by the obstacles, placed daily, in their way through the patriarchal structures in which they find themselves.
And she is utterly fucked off with the patriarchy. It is only on the blogging platform that female presence surpasses that of men. There is a huge readership of blogs by Nigerian women too. Being campaigns of online origin, particularly from blogs and Twitter they add credence to the discourse on the correlation between internet discourse and offline democratic practice having led to policy reformation.
Blogs are said to provide a platform for African women to become active creators and disseminators of knowledge by writing about what is important to them. The lack of available literature on the female use of the online platform to make their voices heard in the Nigerian democracy is also the critical aim of my research. There is no statistical record of female writing in the online space or blogging to advocate causes that affect them in governance.
The desire of my study is to bridge this gap, while providing information on blog readers — a population which has been neglected by previous global researchers who dwell mainly on the activities of blog authors. Similarly, I argue that the online experience of Nigerian women is multi- dimensional; they may not appeal to a specific sub-culture nor identify with a specific protest group.
In most cases, they may not even position themselves around the dominant culture in an obviously activist way. The bill seeks to tackle issues such as gender discrimination in political and public life as well as prohibit violence against women. The major argument of the senate members who voted against the bill was hinged on traditional and religious factors, with senate members seen quoting the Bible and Sharia law to vote against the bill.
The rejection of the bill also stimulated a wide range of internet discourse by women who were outraged and used diverse online platforms to protest. Popular blogs authored by women were at the fore- front of publishing posts and articles to put pressure on the government to revisit the bill. This pressure seemed to draw the attention of the senate president who released a statement urging citizens to be calm as he promised to revisit and possibly encourage the adoption of certain aspects of the bill. Policy-makers such as Fani Femi Kayode and Oby Ekwesili notably congratulated social media and reputable female blogs like Linda Ikeji and Bella Naija for putting pressure on the government to act.
Hence, by immersing oneself in discourse, pertinent behavioral patterns, or modes of mobilization or activism can unfold through extensive observation or interaction. The information retrieved is further analyzed by coding themes relevant to this research. Diretnan Dusu Bot is a first year Ph. Her twitter handle is DiretM.
Whilst earlier studies have focused more on understanding this platform and its users, see Hu et al. Applying the logic of connective action to Instagram Whilst previous research related to connective action, such as Vromen et al. According to Bennett and Segerberg p. Therefore, a connective action can be created around a personal frame that resonates with individuals who have no previous affiliation or connection to the actor from which it originated. Thus, a social media platform such as Instagram, or more precisely an individual Instagram account, could become the basis for a connective action, which can be propagated via network features such as hashtags, or the social interactions taking place on that particular Instagram account.
Emma Watson and Instagram Activism An internationally recognised advocate of the HeforShe feminist movement, Watson is known for addressing all sorts of issues and movements on her social media profiles. A quick glance at her account shows that the majority of her recent posts as of February feature the actress posing in outfits from her press tours, all of which are produced by ethical designers such as Ralph Lauren or Paul Andrew, which she then promotes via the description of the posts by tagging them.
Whilst her status as a celebrity could be seen as the main cause for her large following on Instagram, it is the social media network itself which gives the actress the means to quickly disseminate this message of support and encouragement for more people to consider sustainable fashion and engage with it. Furthermore, unlike Twitter, which restricts its users to only characters per tweet, Instagram has the ability to offer lengthy descriptions for the images posted.
In this way, it is arguably more suited towards the promotion of the sustainable fashion movement than other text-based social media sites such as Twitter. Moreover, whilst initially the messages and images posted by Watson on her personal account are primarily shared with her followers, they inevitably end up being re-distributed by both citizens and professional journalists on other social media platforms. Her celebrity status also leads to these posts featuring in traditional media such as newspapers and magazines. However, more research is needed in order to analyse the responses to this movement on Instagram, as well as how it is used to raise awareness about other political campaigns.
Could an individual who does not benefit from a celebrity status have the same success in disseminating messages and gathering support for an activist cause? Her research focuses on the intersections between celebrity culture, fan studies and social media activism. Consequently, many commentators will observe said disengagement by the majority of citizens, and complain of political apathy.
But what if we are looking for the wrong things, and in the wrong places? And of course, emotions are an important link to both of these issues. In this spirit, for about the last four years, we have been examining political talk in non-political online forums: how it emerges, what happens when it does emerge, and what we can learn about issues of technology, community, political engagement and citizenship.
We set our focus outside of political flashpoints such as elections, protests or social movements, and instead root our analysis in the everyday. Our empirical focus has been on three popular, general interest UK-based forums: www. These websites cover salient aspects of contemporary culture: consumption, media and family. But first and foremost they are spaces embedded in everyday life where people come to share personal experiences and dilemmas, discuss their interests, meet likeminded people, and have fun. At this point we would like to share with you a minor revelation that our study revealed.
Further details about the design of the study, what types of political actions we found, and who they were directed at can be found in our journal articles. In the remainder of this article, we want to reflect on some of the fundamental questions our study provoked: what is it about these spaces that seemed to foster political action, and secondly, why was one of the forums DigitalSpy the exception, with little political action emerging from everyday talk?
The cconnection 1. Consequently, emotion is welcomed, and talk was frequently emotional in tone. We found that emotion can facilitate connections between people that lead to all kinds of actions — in both private lives and public. In MSE and Netmums, people also felt connected because their subject matter was the self, not politics, therefore removing or side-stepping one of the barriers to engagement for many contemporary citizens. In contrast, for DigitalSpy DS the entry point for conversations was what is in the news or on TV, hence there was immediately a greater distance between participants and the subject matter.
This mattered when politics emerged because in DS it was framed as something to talk about but too distant to influence, whereas in MSE and Netmums it was framed as something that was close to home, affecting forum members, and something they could mobilize around. Take this example of a Netmums thread, where participants shared experiences of Job Centre staff.
Read through the thread and you will see emotion running through it, often through the use of emoticons. You will also see how other forum participants begin to mobilize around the sharing of stories, which are then presented to those in power. Poster 1: I have also had really bad experiences with the Job Centre and found going there no point at all. I intend to contact MPs etc. A culture and structure of help and support Both MSE and Netmums are communities organized around self-help, where the emphasis is on goal-oriented discussions to help members with their particular dilemmas.
When you look at the culture of the forums, people are there to listen, to help or to tell their stories and receive support from others. Contrastingly, in DigitalSpy — and most other political forums we would argue — people are there mainly to discuss. MSE and Netmums participants were there, for the most part, with the intention of taking action, namely personal actions in their everyday lives — to save money, be a better parent and so on. This action orientated mind-set, along with the everyday and personal nature of the forums, we argue, helped facilitate political action.
This mind-set comes from the top.
Both Netmums and MSE make clear that they have a civic role, amongst their other functions. The purpose of DigitalSpy is far less goal-oriented. In the sociological literature, the political mobilization that emerges from self-help groups has typically been positioned within the broader shift towards lifestyle and identity politics. Hence, they can be framed as contributing towards a retreat from civic life as people focus increasingly on their own narrow concerns; or alternatively as an empowering democratic force, through providing spaces for reflection on the reality of current politics, with an emphasis on questions of identity, experience and storytelling rather than the broad redistributive questions that had concerned previous generations.
Thus we would argue that an increase in personal empowerment that comes through self-help can have civic repercussions, such as heightening awareness of the broader social forces that impinge on people as individuals, increasing social capital and encouraging forms of political participation. The interactive and reciprocal nature of the platforms and communities; The third factor was the interactive and reciprocal nature of both the platform and communities. Much has been said about the interactive and networking affordances of new social media such as Twitter and Facebook.
However, unlike many new social media, discussion forums seem to be conducive to reciprocity: discursive reciprocal exchange. The threading of discussions and public access also makes it easy for participants to follow discussions and interact with one another. These affordances along with the personal connection and culture of support seemed to foster meaningful reciprocal and reflexive exchanges, allowing relationships, and a sense of community, to develop and prosper. Indeed, in Netmums and MSE, participants often shared very personal details, experiences and stories with one another.
These intimate and personal- based communicative practices seemed to be conducive to affective subject-position taking. That is, these online communities opened up spaces of personal and emotional relationships through which participants forged affective bonds that allowed for deeper levels of understanding, thus fostering a sense of belonging.
Such connections, we argue, made participants more receptive to taking political actions or mobilizing around them. As other contributions to this volume document, emotion can play a very positive role in facilitating political action, but as this and our previous studies have documented, you need the right kind of platform or culture where emotion is welcomed. His research broadly explores the intersection of media and democracy, including news coverage of politics, the construction of news, political communication, and political talk in online environments.
His main research interests are the use of new media in representative democracies, the intersections between popular culture and formal politics, online election campaigns, online deliberation and political talk, and online civic engagement. From Egypt to Tunisia, protesters held aloft banners bearing the logos of Facebook and Twitter. In Bahrain, the widespread sense of hope among thousands of Bahrainis was evident in their use of social media. They then shared it on Facebook, Twitter, Whatsapp, and other social media platforms.
This is especially true of the refrain of yasqut Hamad, which was soon translated into a series of beeps or pips that were frequently honked on car or air horns. In addition to this, other acts of peaceful, creative defiance were circulated on social media. Such seemingly harmless acts were taken seriously by the authorities, often to comic effect.
Later, another video emerged that showed policemen attempting to capture the balloon. Eventually the police succeeded, and put the fully inflated balloon in the back of a police jeep.
Statutes of the Pearl Roundabout, which itself had become symbolic and metonymic of the uprising itself, were often made by activists following its vindictive destruction by the security services. Furthermore, by allowing activists and citizens to publicize the subversive, social media assisted in deinstitutionalising political discourse and disrupting the agenda setting nature of the state media.
In a country where even shows of disloyalty to the ruling regime can land you in prison, photographs on social media of someone at a protest march, or at the Pearl Roundabout, were tantamount to a confession of treason. Soon, Twitter vigilantes were harvesting publically available information and accusing people of treason. Joy and optimism, mediated on social media, was being mined. Others packed up their things, and slept by the door, for they did not want the rest of their family to witness what they felt was their inevitable arrest in the middle of the night.
The relative unity that had been evident early in the uprising, began to erode. Yet despair had not completely sunk in. Even in March , there were attempts to recoup this unity on social media. The premise was simple, tweet about something that united all Bahrainis, regardless of sect or political reason. Occasionally, the Ministry of the Interior said they would investigate egregious acts by the police caught on video, but not much ever came of this. It was mostly done to appease international allies.
This wilful blindness to police abuse documented and shared on social media was demonstrated when the MOI said they responded to a video of a policeman throwing a Molotov cocktail, 2 years after it had already been circulated. Vindictive and efficient in using it as a tool of surveillance, the government were lackadaisical in using it is a tool of accountability. Often the delivery method for such malware was links distributed across social media or email. Those arrested even reported that during interrogation, the police demanded passwords for their social media accounts.
With one of the highest internet penetration and social media take up rates in the Middle East, social media had a special resonance in Bahrain.