click here Show More Show Less. Best Selling in Nonfiction See all. Burn after Writing by Sharon Jones , Paperback 2. Save on Nonfiction Trending price is based on prices over last 90 days. Open Borders Inc. We should not be surprised to discover what Lincoln would certainly have seen as significant: both were Connecticut-born, college-trained Yankees. As a determined opponent of slavery, he had an uneasy relationship with the conservatives in his congregation.
Miner, I like your sermons but your prayers almost kill me. That most of the Springfield clergy were aligned with the Constitutional Unionists or Democrats did not mean that Republicanism was uniformly weak within evangelical Protestant churches throughout Illinois. Equally significant was the considerable commitment to Lincoln among Illinois Methodists, especially in the northern counties.
This was the largest denomination in the state, with some , members. We can point to the endorsement of free-soil principles in much of the Methodist press, especially the Northwestern Christian Advocate, published in Chicago. Eddy, was known as a staunch Republican.
His thinly veiled endorsement of Lincoln was reprinted in the columns of the Chicago Press and Tribune where the Methodist John Locke Scripps proved an important bridge to his denomination and other Republican papers throughout the free states. A measure of likely Republican strength among Illinois Methodists exists in the memorials sent to the general conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church at Buffalo in This demand, in the context of a church still embracing in its communion hundreds of border state slaveowners, was a radical one; the prima facie case for regarding its supporters as Republicans and Republican sympathizers is overwhelming.
In New England and the upper North, memorials for change easily outnumbered those supporting the status quo; in the lower North and the border slave states the position was reversed. This pattern held in Illinois. From the Southern Illinois Conference emerged no demands for extirpation.
The Illinois Conference, representing Methodists in the center of the state, including Springfield, forwarded memorials that by nine to one similarly favored the status quo. In the two northerly conferences, however, Peoria and Rock River, memorials for extirpation exceeded those sustaining an unchanged discipline by twenty to three, and by ten to one, respectively.
This strength of Republican feeling in the northern counties of Illinois, as in other western states, explains why the Methodist minister Benjamin F. Leonard F.
Smith, for instance, a young, Canada-born, itinerant preacher, experienced on August 8 one of the most memorable days in his life: rising at A. It was, after all, the Republican party that most successfully focused the moral energy of postmillennialist Protestants and exploited the public discourse they had elaborated over three decades.
But evangelical perceptions also brought into politics a more positive stress on conscience and disciplined obedience to the higher law, Calvinistic duty, and social responsibility—a creed that reached its apogee in the early Republican party. Ministers who in the campaigns of and took part alternately in revival meetings and Republican rallies gave notice that religion and politics had fused more completely than ever before in the American republic.
As Glen E. Whatever your convictions, if you truly believe that those who oppose abortion are all ideologues driven by perverse desires to inflict suffering on women, then you, in my judgment, are not fair-minded Whoever does not bear his own cross and come after me, can- 58 not be my disciple". About the Press This is us The Press publishes scientific literature and more mainstream publications such as the series Reflections. And as proof that faith without works is null and void, James cites the Abraham who did not only have faith but was also willing to act upon it: "Was not Abraham our father justified by works, when he offered his son Isaac upon the altar? Like Rome in its system, the United States is the ball's valuable book, and somewhat female it contains right the checkout of legal shopping and phases of processing those who might be regarding against it.
According to the aggregate data, Lincoln should have been a pro-slavery Democrat. At best he was a historical accident, an ecological fallacy. Economic interest and bitter antisouthern feeling were important elements of the Republican mix.
A party that wins a presidential election has to do so as an institutional coalition and philosophical amalgam. But its broad outline may serve as a postscript. The experience of war, which visited both public and personal tragedies on Lincoln, inevitably brought the president face-to-face with questions of ultimate reality. But believing, as I do, that our cause is just, and relying on God for help I firmly believe we shall conquor [sic] in the end; but the struggle will be protracted and severe, involving a great loss both of property and life….
I am sometimes astonished at the part I am playing in this terrible drama. I can hardly believe I am the same person I was a few months ago when I was living my humble way with you in Springfield….
I would gladly, if I could, take my neck from under the yoke, and go home with you to Springfield and live as I was accustomed to, in peace with my friends…. But we can be confident that he recognized that church leaders provided him with a way of both reaching and reading a wider public opinion. When that voice was one of Christians praying for the Union, it brought him a degree of comfort, which we should not dismiss as mere sentimentality. I should give up hoping for success. From his many connections with evangelicals, Lincoln learned that their concerns were very largely his own. With the exception of a radical minority, most evangelicals held an exalted view of the Union and the Constitution, regarding them as instruments of the moral government of God and treating disunion and secession as sins in the eyes of the Lord.
But the overwhelming majority of Union evangelicals outside the border states heartily welcomed his Emancipation Proclamation. Having in Lincoln a president who appeared committed to their agenda, northern evangelicals generally sustained him with their messages of support throughout the low months of — In the Republicans, now running under the name of the Union party, incorporated into their platform the two matters on which there was broad evangelical consensus—the promise of a constitutional amendment abolishing slavery and a determination to continue hostilities until all Confederates were brought back under the federal government.
Though radical antislavery evangelicals such as Charles Finney and George B. Chase, or Benjamin F.
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